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Jenin terrorist leader and PA police chief Zakariya Zubeidi says Hezbollah's weapons, money and coordination have been crucial for Palestinian terror...
Nasrallah Delivered
by Jared Israel
Edited by Samantha Criscione

* English translation of excerpt from 5 March 2006 Welt am Sonntag article, "They kill us, we kill them," which includes extensive quotes from an interview with Al Aqsa Martyrs Brigades leader Zakariya Zubeidi. We have highlighted his key points in yellow.

English translation by Jost Lang

*  German text of Welt am Sonntag article in full

[Originally posted 14 August 2006 - Rewritten 7 September 2006]



In the fall of 2000, Hezbollah's TV station, Al Manar, began broadcasting calls for Palestinian Arabs to launch a major campaign of suicide terror, explicitly aimed at driving the Jewish population out of Israel.  By flatly refusing to curb these broadcasts, indeed approving them, the Lebanese government made itself complicit in the incitement of terrorist violence in a neighboring country, an act of war. The question is: did Hezbollah limit itself to incitement? Or did Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah deliver on his promise to help Palestinian Arab terrorists with weapons, money and coordination for terror? 

The answer is yes, says Zakariya Zubeidi, an Arab terrorist leader and also the Palestinian Authority police chief in Jenin. Nasrallah delivered.


Nasrallah Delivered


In "Hezbollah's Instigation; US Government's Complicity,"[1]  I quoted reports that on 4 October 2000 Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah exhorted Palestinian Arabs to randomly murder Israeli Jews. Hezbollah's TV station, Al Manar, took up his call, broadcasting it worldwide.

People tend to view past events through the filter of what has happened since, and given all the Palestinian suicide terror over the past six years, one might think Hezbollah's incitement in October 2000 was just part of this wave.  But it was not. It preceded the big wave of suicide terror. Moreover, it was an important part of the Arab reply to Israeli government peace efforts, culminating in Israel's unilateral withdrawal from southern Lebanon in May and June 2000 and the two week summit between Israeli Prime Minister Barak and Yasar Arafat at Camp David in July. Barak predicted the withdrawal would produce an Arab response in kind.  Speaking just after the UN confirmed the completion of Israel's withdrawal, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan said much the same:

"This is a happy day for Lebanon -- but also for Israel.  It is a day of hope for the Middle East as a whole, and it is a day of pride for the United Nations.  It shows that United Nations resolutions, when fully implemented by all parties working together, can be the building blocks of peace.  Lebanon is now closer to peace than it has been in decades."


"This is not the end of the long road towards peace in the region, but I hope it will be seen as the beginning of the end."

-- United Nations, Transcript of Press Conference of Secretary-General Kofi Annan at Headquarters, 16 June 2000
Press Release No: UNIS/SG/2594

By withdrawing from Lebanon, Israel was fulfilling its part under the terms of UN Security Council Resolution 425. The expressed hope of the Barak government was that in response to Israel's unilateral act, Lebanon would fulfill its part of Resolution 425, taking military control of southern Lebanon and guaranteeing the security of the Israeli-Lebanese border. [2]

In fact, as many critics predicted, the opposite happened. As Lebanon stalled on sending troops, Hezbollah took control of the southern part of the country, launching a low intensity war on Israel's northern border (for example, kidnapping three Israeli soldiers on 7 October 2000.)  Lebanon continued to stall on sending troops, with months becoming years. This has been portrayed in the international media as an expression of Lebanese government 'weakness' despite Lebanon's continuing endorsement of Hezbollah's jihad. For example, on 29 July 2005, flush from the US State Department's unreserved endorsement [3]  of the Siniora government:

[Excerpt from Lebanese Daily Star starts here]

"Lebanon's new government voiced its staunch support for Hizbullah and its resistance during the first day of a Parliamentary session set to give the new Cabinet an overwhelming vote of confidence. Addressing Parliament, Premier Fouad Siniora said the government would defend Lebanon's right to resistance, a term usually used to refer to Hizbullah, whose efforts served to end Israel's 22 year occupation of the Lebanese south in May 2000.

Siniora said: 'The government considers the resistance a natural and honest expression of the Lebanese people's national rights to liberate their land and defend their honor against Israeli aggression and threats.'"

-- "Lebanese Cabinet faces House debate," Daily Star, Friday, July 29, 2005. Full text archived at

[Excerpt from Lebanese Daily Star ends here]

In October 2000, at the start of its jihad that answered Israel's withdrawal from Lebanon, Hezbollah broadcast its call for Palestinian Arabs to murder Jews. Hezbollah claimed 'martyrdom operations' (i.e., suicide terror) had driven Israel out, when in fact Barak withdrew from Lebanon under pressure from Europe and the US and as an expression of his government's advocacy of 'peace at any price.'  Portraying Israel's attempt to produce peace by exemplary action as cowardice and weakness, Hezbollah chief Nasrallah called on Arabs to imitate Hezbollah's supposedly successful approach and make Israel a nightmare of random violence:

"'The rule is: you kill and then you die. You will see that the results will be different,' he said in a fiery speech that immediately drew many live phone calls from Gaza and Jordan to express 'gratitude' to Nasrallah's stand and vows to 'follow his heroic path.'"

-- Hassan Nasrallah, quoted in 4 October 2000 Agence France Presse dispatch,
"Hezbollah calls for Palestinian armed resistance against Israel." 

Note: I have criticized AFP's use of 'resistance' to describe Nasrallah's call to randomly murder Jews. See

It was possible for Nasrallah's "fiery speech" to draw a live response from Gaza because the speech was broadcast live worldwide, including to Palestinian Arabs, by Al Manar.

The goal of Nasrallah's proposed campaign of murder/suicide was to depopulate Israel:

"'The Falasha [i.e., black Ethiopian -JI] Jew will say: I prefer hunger in Ethiopia to knives in Palestine, and the Russian Jew will say: I prefer to earn 50 dollars a month and then he will pack his belongings and leave.'"


According to United Press International, Nasrallah promised practical support for terror:

"Nasrallah promised the 'great and struggling' Palestinian people assistance from Hezbollah, refusing to disclose how. 'We will be with you and we will not abandon you. We will [be] at your side and you can bet on this and that is enough,' he said. 'We should have big faith and trust in God.'"

-- "Hezbollah leader urges Palestinians to attack," UPI, 4 October 2000

For the government of any state to permit its media to incite the hate-murder of citizens of a neighboring state is an act of war. How did the Lebanese government respond to Al Manar's open incitement?  On 19 October 2000, the US TV news program Nightline talked to Lebanese information minister Anwar El Khalil. Although he had the power to revoke Al Manar's TV license, Khalil refused even to criticize Hezbollah, referring to Al Manar's broadcasts calling for the random murder of Jews as normal political discourse. And Khalil enthusiastically supported Hezbollah's anti-Israel war, expressing the hope and expectation that they would kidnap still more Israeli soldiers. [4]

By permitting Hezbollah to broadcast calls for racist murder, and backing Hezbollah's attacks on Israel's northern border, Lebanon conducted an undeclared war against Israel starting at least as far back as 4 October 2000.

The remaining question is, did Hezbollah (backed by the Lebanese government) offer Palestinian Arabs more than incitement? Did Nasrallah make good on his pledge? Did he supply West Bank and Gaza terrorists with weapons, money and advisors?

The answer, according to Zakariya Zubeidi, is "yes." Zubeidi was senior commander of the Al Aksa Martyrs Brigades and chief of the Palestinian Authority police in the West Bank town of Jenin when he was interviewed by Bruno Schirra this past March for an article in the German newspaper, Welt am Sonntag (World on Sunday).

We have posted below our English translation of a substantial excerpt from the article, highlighting in yellow the part where Zubeidi admits Hezbollah has armed and financed Palestinian Arab terrorists, including those in the supposedly moderate Al Fatah faction, and coordinated terrorist attacks with them.

Jared Israel
Editor, Emperor's Clothes


Excerpt from the article
"They kill us, we kill them"

by Bruno Schirra in Jenin, the West Bank

Published in German under the title "Sie töten uns, wir töten sie"  in the newspaper Welt am Sonntag, 5 March 2006

Translated by Jost Lang



When PLO boss Mahmud Abbas wanted to give an election campaign speech in Jenin in the beginning of 2005, he had to ask for permission from Zakariya Zubeidi. He [i.e., Zubeidi] scared off Abbas's security escort like stray dogs, then had Abbas wait outside Jenin for hours, until he lifted him on his shoulders and graciously carried him, under the rifle fire of the Al Aksa Martyrs Brigades, into Jenin.

"Zubeidi, Zubeidi, Zubeidi," the crowd cheered to the leader of the terror brigade - Mahmud Abbas grasped the message very well. Zubeidi was named chief of the Palestinian police for the district of Jenin and was put on the pay roll of the PA, which provided Zubeidi with an opulent salary, financed by aid money from Europe.

Zubeidi grins, full of delight, when he tells about this episode, one year later. "With the victory of Hamas, Mahmud Abbas is the past," he says today, "exactly the same as the whole corrupt leadership of Fatah. We, who fought and suffered in the Al Aksa Intifada for the freedom of the Palestinian people, we shall be the new leadership of Fatah."

While Zubeidi practices political analysis, his three bodyguards nervously search the sky over Jenin. Searching for Israeli helicopters, for unmanned drones, from which Israeli rockets can be fired.  Zubeidi survived three attempts by the Israelis to kill him so far.

"They have killed my mother, they have killed my brother," he clams.  His brother was a member of the Islamic Jihad, financed by Teheran. Since Hamas will now set up the next Palestinian government, Zubeidi is consequently forging the alliance between the radical Islamic Jihad and his Al Aksa Martyrs Brigades even closer. "Hamas will launch no military operations in Israel during the next weeks and months. This [military] part, we, the Brigades and the Jihad, will take over," explains Zubeidi.

That's just what Israeli security experts fear. It is their concern that, after the catastrophic defeat [of Abbas's Fatah] at the polls, Fatah will possibly radicalize itself under a new and young leadership and will try to build up new legitimacy on the Palestinian street by assaults within Israel. Behind it stands Teheran which, with the help of the Shiite brothers-in-faith of the Lebanese Hisbollah, supports both the Al Aksa Martyrs Brigades and the Islamic Jihad with money, weapons and instructors. What is happily described in the West as an Israeli disinformation campaign, has been established reality in the Palestinian autonomy areas for a long time.

Meanwhile, Zakariya Zubeidi admits quite openly that the influence of Teheran is strong. "Without the assistance of our brothers in the Hisbollah we could not continue our fight," he explains. "They give us money and weapons. We plan our military operations together."



"Sie töten uns, wir töten sie"

von Bruno Schirra in Jenin, Westjordanland
Welt am Sonntag, 5 March 2006


Für Israel zählt Zakariya Zubeidi zu den meistgesuchten Terroristen. In Jenin im Westjordanland führt der Anführer der Al-Aksa-Brigaden ein sicheres Leben, unterstützt von Entwicklungshilfe. Ein Hausbesuch

von Bruno Schirra in Jenin, Westjordanland

"Hast du getötet?""Ja", sagt er. "Hast du töten lassen?""Ja", antwortet er und lächelt. Ein Lächeln, das sich, so scheint es jedenfalls, in Trauer verliert. "Deine Leute töten Frauen, Männer, sie töten Kinder. Wie ist das für dich, wenn du jemanden zum Töten losschickst? Tun deine Opfer dir leid?" Zakariya Zubeidi wartet. Er läßt sich viel Zeit, bevor er die Frage beantwortet. "Ja", sagt er dann, "aber es muß sein. Sie töten uns, also töten wir sie. So einfach ist das."

Der 29jährige sitzt auf dem Dach eines Hauses in Jenin im Norden des Westjordanlandes, trommelt mit den Fingerspitzen gedankenverloren auf der Pistole herum, die in seinem Schoß liegt. Und wie er so über das Töten von Israelis spricht, liegt in seinem Bubengesicht ein schüchternes, ein verlegenes Lächeln.

"Du bist ein Terrorist." Zubeidi hört die Anklage, zuckt mit den Schultern. "Was du Terrorismus nennst, nenne ich Freiheitskampf." Er hat es weit gebracht. Vom arbeitslosen Gelegenheitsdieb zum gefürchteten Anführer der Al-Aksa-Brigaden der Fatah (Begriffsklärung siehe Kasten) in Jenin, was ihn auf der israelischen Liste derer, die gezielt zu töten sind, ganz weit nach oben katapultiert hat.

Zakariya Zubeidi hat in den vergangenen drei Jahren Dutzende Terroranschläge innerhalb Israels organisiert und ist so zu einem Führer geworden, dessen Wort nicht nur in den karstigen Bergdörfern der Westbank gehört wird.

Als PLO-Chef Mahmud Abbas Anfang 2005 eine Wahlkampfrede in Jenin halten wollte, mußte er zunächst um die Erlaubnis von Zakariya Zubeidi bitten. Der hat Abbas' Sicherheitseskorte wie streunende Hunde verscheucht, dann Abbas vor den Toren Jenins stundenlang warten lassen, bis er ihn dann huldvoll auf seine Schultern hob und unter dem Gewehrfeuer der Al-Aksa-Brigadisten nach Jenin hereintrug.

"Zubeidi, Zubeidi, Zubeidi", hat die Menge dem Anführer der Terrorbrigade zugejubelt - Mahmud Abbas hat die Botschaft sehr wohl verstanden. Zubeidi wurde zum Chef der palästinensischen Polizei im Distrikt Jenin ernannt und auf die Gehaltsliste der palästinensischen Autonomiebehörde gesetzt, was Zubeidi ein opulentes Gehalt bescherte, finanziert mit Hilfsgeldern aus Europa.

Zubeidi grinst genußvoll, als er diese Episode ein Jahr später erzählt. "Mahmud Abbas ist mit dem Wahlsieg der Hamas Vergangenheit", sagt er heute, "genauso wie die ganze korrupte Führungsriege der Fatah. Wir, die wir in der Al-Aksa-Intifada für die Freiheit des palästinensischen Volkes gekämpft und gelitten haben, werden die neue Führung der Fatah sein."

Während sich Zubeidi in politischer Analyse übt, suchen drei seiner Leibwächter nervös den Himmel über Jenin ab. Nach israelischen Hubschraubern, nach unbemannten Drohnen, aus denen heraus israelische Raketen abgeschossen werden können. Drei Versuche der Israelis, ihn zu töten, hat Zubeidi bislang überlebt. "Sie haben meine Mutter getötet, sie haben meinen Bruder ermordet", behauptet er.

Sein Bruder war Mitglied des von Teheran finanzierten Islamischen Dschihad. Nachdem die Hamas nun die nächste palästinensische Regierung stellen wird, ist Zubeidi dabei, das Bündnis zwischen dem radikal-islamistischen Dschihad und seinen Al-Aksa-Brigaden noch enger zu schmieden. "Hamas wird in den nächsten Wochen und Monaten keine militärischen Operationen in Israel ausführen. Diesen Part werden wir, die Brigaden und der Dschihad, übernehmen", erklärt Zubeidi.

Genau das befürchten israelische Sicherheitsexperten. Nach der katastrophalen Wahlniederlage, so deren Überlegung, werde die Fatah sich möglicherweise unter einer neuen, einer jungen Führung radikalisieren und versuchen, mit Anschlägen innerhalb Israels eine neue Legitimität auf Palästinas Straßen aufzubauen. Dahinter stehe Teheran, das mit Hilfe der schiitischen Glaubensbrüder der libanesischen Hisbollah sowohl die Al-Aksa-Brigaden als auch den Islamischen Dschihad mit Geld, Waffen und Instrukteuren unterstütze. Was im Westen gern als israelische Desinformationskampagne bezeichnet wird, ist in den palästinensischen Autonomiegebieten längst Realität.

Daß der Einfluß Teherans mittlerweile groß ist, gibt Zakariya Zubeidi ganz offen zu. "Ohne die Hilfe unserer Brüder der Hisbollah könnten wir unseren Kampf nicht weiterführen", erklärt er. "Sie geben uns Geld und Waffen. Wir sprechen unsere militärischen Operationen miteinander ab." Default Banner

Welche das sind, verrät er dann bei einem Rundgang durch die Straßen Jenins. Unbefangen schlendert er durch die Gassen des mit Geld aus den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten wieder aufgebauten Flüchtlingslagers, streichelt hier einem kleinen Mädchen übers Haar, tätschelt dort einem Buben die Wange, hört sich huldvoll die Klage eines Straßenhändlers an, nimmt die ehrfurchtsvollen Grüße von entgegenkommenden Passanten entgegen.

Da baut sich einer auf, bereit zum Sprung in die Führungsebene der Fatah. "Die alten Führer der Fatah hatten ihre Chance", sagt er. "Sie haben mit den Israelis geredet, geredet, geredet - und nichts erreicht. Die Israelis verstehen nur eine Sprache: Die Sprache des Kampfes. Nur so kommt mein Volk zu seinem Recht", ergänzt er und hebt demonstrativ und stolz sein funkelnagelneues M16-Sturmgewehr in die Luft.

Ob er keine Angst hat, sich so offen und unbefangen in den Straßen Jenins zu bewegen? Er lacht laut und zuckt mit seinen Schultern. "Wir wissen immer, wann sich eine israelische Patrouille nähert", sagt er und führt dann in ein Haus am Rande des Flüchtlingslagers. Dort lädt er gelassen zum Essen ein. In der Ecke des Eßzimmers liegen achtlos sechs Pakete. Fertig präparierte Selbstmordgürtel: gefüllt mit Sprengstoff, scharfkantigen Metallsplittern und kleinen Kügelchen.

Während Zubeidi reichlich Reis und gegrilltes Lammfleisch in sich hineinschaufelt, erklärt er seine Strategie. "Wir werden noch vor den Wahlen in Israel zuschlagen. Einmal, zweimal, dreimal. So oft wir nur können. Die Israelis müssen mit Schmerz und Angst und Blut für die Besatzung meines Landes bezahlen. So lange, bis sie meinem Volk seine Freiheit wiedergeben."

Daß das unter Umständen ausgerechnet Benjamin Netanyahu stärken würde, also genau den Politiker in Israel, der gegenüber den Palästinensern kaum kompromißbereit ist, kommt Zubeidi politisch durchaus zupaß.

Dem "jungen Löwen", wie er sich kokett selbst bezeichnet, käme nichts mehr gelegen als ein Wahlsieg Netanyahus. "Der spricht immerhin ganz klar aus, was die Israelis wirklich wollen: die Unterdrückung meines Volkes. Wenn der die Wahl in Israel gewinnt, zeigt er der Welt gegenüber das wahre Gesicht seines Landes." Dann zeigt er in die Ecke, deutet auf die Sprenggürtel. Zum ersten Mal in den Stunden des Zusammenseins zeigt er sich zynisch. Noch stünden die Wahlchancen für Netanyahu schlecht. "Aber ich werde alles tun, um Netanyahu zum Wahlsieg zu bomben."

Artikel erschienen am 5. März 2006

(C) 2006 Welt am Sonntag * Posted by TENC for Fair Use Only


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Footnotes and Further Reading


[1] "Hezbollah's Instigation; US Government's Complicity," at

[2] On 18 June 2000, the UN issued a press release welcoming Israel's full withdrawal from southern Lebanon in accord with UN Security Council Resolution 425. Both Israel and Lebanon had expressed objections to the UN-established Israeli withdrawal line, with the Lebanese focused mainly on their claims to the Shebaa Farms area, in the Golan Heights.  The UN reported that:

"Notwithstanding their reservations, both governments have confirmed that establishing the identifying line was the sole responsibility of the United Nations, the Secretary-General notes, and that they would respect the line the United Nations' identified."

-- UN Press Release SC/6878, 18 June 2000, "Security Council endorses Secretary-General's conclusion on Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon as of 16 June."
Posted at the UN website, at
Or go directly to the quoted text, highlighted in red, archived on Emperor's Clothes at

The ball was now in Lebanon's court:

"'The Security Council, recalling resolution 425 (1978) and resolution 426 (1978) of 19 March 1978, calls on the Government of Lebanon to ensure the return of its effective authority and presence in the south.'"

-- ibid.
Or go directly to the quoted text, highlighted in blue, archived on Emperor's Clothes at

[3] I have posted and dissected State Department Spokesman Adam Ereli's dance of avoidance regarding the Siniora government's full legitimization of Hezbollah at

[4] Regarding Lebanese minister Anwar El Khalil's October 2000 defense of Hezbollah's TV broadcasts calling on Arabs to kill Jews and then die, see

Regarding Khalil's October 2000 support for Hezbollah's anti-Israel war, see 

(It is noteworthy that although Nightline was one of only a handful of newspapers and TV news programs that even mentioned Nasrallah's 4 October 2000 speech, Nightline also whitewashed the nature of the goals for which Hezbollah advocated violence
and misrepresented the matter of Shebaa Farms )


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